The American Colonization Society has been enabled by the liberal patronage of their fellow-citizens of the several states, (and it numbers among these friends and contributors many of the citizens of [<2m#>]) to explore the coast of Africa to find an asylum to which the free coloured population of our country might be safely removed.— The annual reports of their proceedings, (accompanying this memorial) will show what their labours have effected.

     These labours, they have now the happiness of declaring, have, by the favour of providence, been conducted to a successful issue: and they now present themselves before you, with the power of shewing, that all that could reasonably be expected to be done by their instrumentality, has happily been accomplished.

     A Colony of free coloured persons from the United States, amounting to several hundred, has been planted on one of the most eligible situations upon the coast of Africa. The difficulties and dangers necessarily attendant upon such enterprizes, have been overcome: and they are now in the peaceful occupation and cultivation of a fertile and extenive territory, possessing every advantage for their own comfortable subsistence, and for carrying on an advantageous commerce with other parts of the world.

     Every circumstance calculated to promote a rapid increase of population, is to be found connected with this settlement. The vast mass of inhabitants of this description in our country, their depressed and unfortunate condition among us, the continually decreasing expenses of transportation, their own desires to seek a home, with their brethren, in the land of their fathers, and the obvious interest of every portion of our community to aid and encourage them, give every reason to expect that emigration to Montserado, will only be limited by the capacity of the country to receive and subsist the Colonists.

     And this capacity is almost unlimited—a climate suited to the constitutions of the descendants of Africa, a soil adapted to their wants, producing two crops of corn within the year, and rice almost without cultivation, whose forests abound in cotton, coffee, dye-woods, spices, and every tropical production: and such a country, thus abounding in resources for the subsistence of man, destitute of men, depopulated by the slave-trade, must invite, must admit and provide for, a more rapidly increasing population than has perhaps ever yet been witnessed.

     Such is the situation, and such are the prospects of the establishment your memorialists have been enabled to make.—A private association of individuals can do little more.—The work now becomes too vast for their powers, too important to be trusted to any hands, save those, to whom, as guardians of the public, the great interests of the public are committed.

     Your memorialists have long looked forward to the period that has now arrived, and deliberately considered the duties it would impose upon them. In the discharge of these duties, they now appear before you, and make their appeal with confidence to the legislature of a state, many of whose citizens have already evinced their readiness to promote the success of the cause in which they have engaged.

     They are already prepared to lay before the Congress of the U. States, the work they have effected, and to call upon them, as representing the great body of the American nation, to take into their own hands, the consummation of an object, worthy of national patronage.

     Whether the General Government of the United States will consider this a concern of national interest, to which the power and resources of the nation are to be applied, or as more proper for the consideration of the states, in their several capacities, it is not for your memorialists to determine. Their duty is to pace it before all, who have the power to accomplish it, and to trust that the wisdom and patriotism of those to whom it is committed, will devise the most proper and effectual means of its success.

     Should the state of [<2m#>] feel an interest in this great object, either as it affects her own prosperity or that of the Union, her able representatives in the national councils can speak her wishes: and should it become necessary for the several states to provide the means for its accomplishment, she can then apply her own power and resources in its behalf, to such extent and in such way as her interest and duty may demand.

     It is with these views and for this purpose, that the American Colonization Society now proceeds in the course of its duties, to claim from the several states, their solemn consideration of this most interesting subject. They hope that, in doing so, they may be excused for endeavouring to offer some suggestions, applicable to the difference in situation and circumstances of the several states of the Union, in relation to their coloured population.

     The United States contain, dispersed in various proportions, among them, upwards of 250,000 free coloured inhabitants.— That their removal to the Colony now established in Africa, would be a blessing to themselves and a relief to us, is too obvious to our feelings and interests to require argument. It is also evident that, notwithstanding all the impediments to emancipation in the slave states, and all the disadvantages attending such a condition, a great addition is annually made to this number.

     If the Colony at Liberia becomes capable of drawing off, annually, portions of this population from the various states, so that it gradually diminishes and finally disappears from among them, and if those, who hereafter become free, are also thus disposed of, will not these states have attained, by this disincumbrance, a great moral and political benefit, fully justifying even a considerable expenditure of their funds?

     The amount of that expenditure may even now be calculated, though it is certain, that it will fall below any estimates that may be predicated upon the present cost of transportation.

     The first emigrants cost the Society about fifty dollars, each, the last, about twenty. And when the vessels in which they embark, can return freighted with African products, which the industry and enterprize of the Colonists will collect, it is certain that the mere subsistence during the passage, and for a few months afterwards, in the cheapest country upon earth, will constitute the sole expense.

     And when this description of persons see, as they soon must, the great advantages of emigration, may not vast numbers of them be expected to provide for themselves, the means of transportation? Who can doubt this, that considers the great accession to the population of this country, annually made by the arrival among us, of the most destitute classes of foreigners, multitudes of whom only pay for their passage by their labour?

     Those states, then, that at present labour under the disadvantages of such a population can obtain relief; and at an expense not beyond its value. And if this was all—if a wretched outcast people should be thus made happy, and, not confining the blessing to themselves, should become a light to that land of darkness, to which we owe such a retribution for past wrongs; if a work thus beneficent to man and acceptable to God, can be made from materials not only useless but injurious where they are, there would be motive enough, excited by patriotism, benevolence, and religion, to encourage us to such an effort.

     In the course of its endeavours to interest the citizens of the different states in favor of this object, the Society has had to encounter, and in some degree, still has to encounter, an opposition arising from the most contradictory objections.

     They have been denounced by some as fanatical and visionary innovators, pursuing, without regard to means or consequences, an object destructive of the rights of property, and dangerous to the public peace. While others have looked upon them as a mercenary and selfish association, which, regarding the free people as impediments to the profitable use of their slave property, sought, by removing it, to rivet the chains of slavery.

     The Society would conciliate, if possible, the opposing opponents. They doubt not the sincerity and good intentions of both of them, and trust that time and experience will do, what their assurances may now be unable to effect, remove the apprehensions of one and the suspicions of the other.

     The sole object of the Society, as declared at its institution, and from which it can never e allowed to depart, is "to remove, with their own consent, to the Coast of Africa, the free coloured population, now existing in the United States, and such as hereafter may become free." That such a removal is practicable, and would be highly beneficial, both to the subjects of it and to ourselves, seems now scarcely to admit of a question.— What its effects might be in relation to another class of our coloured population, and those who lawfully hold them as their property, must of course be more doubtful. But that such effects would be injurious to either, seems by no means probable. That it would tend to mitigate the evils of slavery, and offer facilities and inducements to voluntary emancipation, seems almost certain: and it cannot be doubted but that this may be done without impairing the rights of property of the safety of society. Whatever influence then it may have upon the question of slavery, and offer facilities and inducements to voluntary emancipation, seems almost certain: and it cannot be doubted but that this may be done without impairing the rights of property or the safety of society. Whatever influence then it may have upon the question of slavery, must be a beneficial influence, and cannot therefore be considered as an objection against it. That every measure which either directly or indirectly affects this delicate question of slavery, should be managed with the greatest care and circumspection, must be conceded. But it cannot be reasonable to insist that, every measure, however important and beneficial, is to be denounced, because it may in its consequences, lead to a removal of the obstructions to voluntary emancipation, and act favourably upon the state of slavery.

     In pursuing their object, therefore (although such consequences may result from a successful prosecution of it,) the Society cannot be justly charged with aiming to disturb the rights of property, or the peace of society.—Your memorialists refer with confidence to the course they have pusued, in the prosecution of their object for nine years past, to shew that it is possible, without danger or alarm, to carry on such an operation, notwithstanding its supposed relation to the subject of slavery, and that they have not been regardless, in any of their measures, of what was due to the state of society in which they live. They are, themselves, chiefly slave-holders, and live, with all the ties of life binding them to a slave-holding community. They know when to speak and when to forbear upon topics connected with this painful and difficult subject. They put forth no passionate appeals before the public, seek to excite no feeling, and avoid, with the most sedulous care, every measure that would endanger the public tranquillity—they could have obtained friends and resources by such appeals, but they seek nothing at any hazard, and prefer that their work should advance slowly, or even stand still for a season, rather than that it should make its way by any means calculated to excite dangerous discontents in one class, or just apprehensions in the other.

     Yet on such occasions as the present, when they who are delegated to watch over the public welfare, are to be invited to examine and consider this great subject in all its connections; it cannot be inconsistent with the Society's declared object, or any of its duties, to endeavor to shew, that nothing injurious or dangerous need be apprehended, either from the measure itself or any of its consequences.

     If it be said that this subject of slavery is to be so respected, that no purposes of public benefit, no matter how remotely connected with it, or how favourably they may operate upon it, must ever be touched, even with the greatest discretion; it may be asked what it so happen if all matters thus related to it, are never to be touched? If we could prevent the utterance of a word, or the raising of a thought that might call up this fearful subject forever, what would be our gain from this insensibility? We could gain nothing, if we could stifle thought and enquiry—but thought, and enquiry, and effort upon such subjects, in such an age as this, are not to be stifled. Who does not see in the times in which we live, when a new impulse seems to be awakened in man, and just conceptions of his rights and of his duties are calling forth all the energies of his nature, that there is nothing left but to guide with a steady hand the spirit of improvement, and direct its operations to such results, as may conduce to the general welfare?

     If discreet and prudent measures are to be forborne, because their consequences may lead to a diminution of the evils of slavery, what shall restrain the inconsiderate, dangerous, and direct efforts that may be made upon the subject itself?—And if, therefore, it can neither be let alone, nor rashly dealt with, what remains but that those who feel and understand it; those, who from habit, situation, and interest, know all its bearings and connections, should be allowed to prosecute a useful object, although thus connected, and conduct it with the care and caution it requires?—And if its consequences shall lead to the supposed conclusion, shall open a way, without violating the rights of any, to deliver us from a still greater evil, is it an objection that can be urged against its prosecution?

     To those who charge the Society with the contrary motive of designing to perpetuate slavery, they would beg leave to say, that it is not reasonable to infer such purpose, from the circumstance of the Society's confining its operation to the free people of colour. The Managers could, with no propriety, depart from their original and avowed purpose, and make emancipation their object. And they would further say, that if they were not thus restrained by the terms of their association, they would still consider any attempts to promote the increase of the free coloured population by manumission, unnecessary, premature, and dangerous.

     They hope that more correct views are now entertained throughout our country, of the manner in which all subjects, in any way connected with slavery, should be considered and conducted.

     It seems now to be admitted that, whatever has any bearing upon that question, must be managed with the utmost consideration; that the peace and order of society must not be endangered by indiscreet and ill-timed efforts to promote emancipation; and that a true regard should be manifested to the feelings and the fears, and even the prejudices of those, whose co-operation is essential.

     The Managers of the Society perceive with gratification, that these considerations begin to be felt and appreciated in those states where slavery is only heard of, and where perhaps the perplexities of its operations upon society, and the necessities it creates and imposes, have not been generally understood.

     From the situation of the Society, and its constant intercourse with the citizens of some of the slave states, they have had abundant opportunities of witnessing the progress of opinion upon this subject, and of accurately knowing its present state. They are convinced, that there are now hundreds of masters, who are so only from necessity, who are prepared to manumit their slaves, whenever means are provided for their reception and support in the Colony; and they believe that this disposition, even without any legislative enactments, will increase far more rapidly than the means for its gratification can be afforded.

     They trust, therefore, that the object which they have endeavoured to place before the American people, and which is now proved to be attainable, will be found interesting to every portion of our country, and that no apprehensions of any evil consequences to result from it, can be reasonably entertained.

     To those, therefore, whom [<2m#>] has selected as the guardians of her interests, your Memorialists beg leave to commit this important subject, trusting that their wisdom will devise the means by which the work they have thus far accomplished, may be made to promote those interests, and the common welfare of our country.